Of the town of Savannah the Baron Von Reck favors us with the following impressions: "I went to view this rising Town, Savannah, seated upon the Banks of a River of the same Name. The Town is regularly laid out, divided into four Wards, in each of which is left a spacious Square for holding of Markets and other publick Uses. The Streets are all straight, and the Houses are all of the same Model and Dimensions, and well contrived for Conveniency. For the Time it has been built it is very populous, and its Inhabitants are all White People.
"And indeed the Blessing of God seems to have gone along with this Undertaking; for here we see Industry honored and Justice strictly executed, and Luxury and Idleness banished from this happy Place where Plenty and Brotherly Love seem to make their Abode, and where the good Order of a Nightly Watch restrains the Disorderly and makes the Inhabitants sleep secure in the midst of a Wilderness.
"There is laid out near the Town, by Order of the Trustees, a Garden for making Experiments for the Improving Botany and Agriculture; it contains 10 Acres and lies upon the River; and it is cleared and brought into such Order that there is already a fine Nursery of Oranges, Olives, white Mulberries, Figs, Peaches, and many curious Herbs: besides which there are Cabbages, Peas, and other European Pulse and Plants which all thrive. Within the Garden there is an artificial Hill, said by the Indians to be raised over the Body of one of their ancient Emperors. I had like to have forgot one of the best Regulations made by the Trustees for the Government of the Town of Savannah. I mean the utter Prohibition of the Use of Rum, that flattering but deceitful Liquor which has been found equally pernicious to the Natives and new Comers, which seldom fails by Sickness or Death to draw after it its own Punishment.”
Image from Georgia's Virtual Vault, http://content.sos.state.ga.us/u?/hmf,2.
Entry from "The History of Georgia," By Charles Colcock Jones, Published 1883 by Houghton, Mifflin and Co., Original from the University of California
v.1, Digitized Jun 6, 2007 for Google Books. p. 170.
From the Journals of Baron Von Reck
From the Journal of Rev. Mr. Bolzins, of the Salzburgers of New Ebenezer
By appointment, Monday, the 13th of May, was observed by the congregation as a season of thanksgiving. Depending entirely upon the charity of the trustees for supplies of all sorts, and having but few mechanics among them, these Salzburgers labored under many disadvantages in building their little town in the depths of the woods, and in surrounding themselves with fields and gardens.
Patient of toil, however, and accustomed to labor, they cut and delved away day by day, rejoicing in their freedom, blessing the Giver of all good for his mercies, and observing the rules of honesty, morality, and piety, for which their sect had so long been distinguished. Communication with Savannah was maintained by way of Abercorn, to which place supplies were transported by water. Early in 1735 the settlement was strengthened and encouraged by the arrival of fifty-seven persons. They were Salzburgers all, and had been sent over by the trustees in the ship Prince of Wales.
Among the new-comers were several mechanics, whose industry and skill were at once applied to hewing timber, splitting shingles, and sawing boards to the improvement and multiplication of the dwellings in Ebenezer. A large wooden tent was erected for church purposes, and therein dwelt the ministers. Here, in the wilds of Georgia, far from the influence of civilization, and upon the borders of an Indian tribe, was springing up a thrifty town peopled by a Christian community acknowledging the pure doctrines of the gospel, and worshiping with all the simplicity and sincerity which characterized the early ages of the church.
Entry from "The History of Georgia," By Charles Colcock Jones, Published 1883 by Houghton, Mifflin and Co., Original from the University of California
v.1, Digitized Jun 6, 2007 for Google Books. p. 170.
Charles' Journal Tues., August 17th.
We were much surprised (the passengers, I mean) at finding, as soon as over the bar, that two of our twelve sailiors were obliged to pump every half-hour.
Charles' Journal, Mon., August 16th.
A faint breeze springing up, the pilot, weary of waiting a week to no purpose, said he would venture over the bar, though he feared there was not water enough. Accordingly we attempted it, and had got above half of the two miles between us and the sea, when a violent, squall arose, and drove the ship before it with incredible swiftness. Before it began we were almost becalmed, so that it saved the ship, at least, from being a-ground, though with the immediate hazard both of that and our lives. The sailors were in great consternation, expecting to be stranded every moment. The pilot cursed the ship most heartily, and the hour he set foot in her. Having scraped along the ground for some minutes before, the ship at last stuck. She got clear, and stuck fast a second time; and immediately fell into seven fathom water.
The Mate afterwards told me, it was one thousand to one but she had been lost by the Captain's folly and ignorance, in letting fly the mainsail, while we struck on the bar; which was the surest way to fix her there; as it must have done had we not been on the very edge of it.
Charles' Journal Fri., August 13th.
The wind was still contrary; so that we were forced to lie off the bar, about five miles from Charlestown.
Wed., August 11th, 1736, Charles' Journal
Coming on board our ship, I found the honest Captain had let my cabin to another. My flux and fever that has hung upon me, forced me for some nights past to go into a bed; but now my only bed was a chest, on which I threw myself in my boots, and was not overmuch troubled with sleep till the morning. What was still worse, I then had no asylum to fly to from the Captain; the most beastly man I ever saw; a lewd, drunken, quarrelsome feel; praying, and yet swearing continually. The first sight I had of him was upon the cabin-floor, stark naked, and dead drunk.
Letter to General Oglethorpe, August 23, 1736
SAVANNAH, August 23, 1736.
SIR, -- I choose to write rather than speak, that I may not say too much. I find it utterly impossible anything should be kept secret unless both parties are resolved upon it. What fell out yesterday is already known to every family in Frederica; but to many it has been represented in such a light that 'tis easy to know whence the representation comes. Now, sir, what can I do more ? Though I have given my reputation to God, I must not absolutely neglect it. The treatment I have met with was not barely an assault: you know one part of it was felony. I can't see what I can do but desire an open hearing in the face of all my countrymen of this place. If you (to whom I can gladly entrust my life and my all in this land) are excepted against as partial, let a jury be empanelled, and upon a full inquiry determine what such breaches of the law deserve. -- I am, sir,
Your obliged and obedient servant.
From other sources:
From the Sherpa Guide:
Touring Fort Frederica today, one can wander the old streets, view house foundations, and read signs that explain the significance of each site. Still visible is the foundation of the Hawkins-Davison House where John Wesley encountered the wrath of Mrs. Beatre Hawkins, who attacked him with a pistol and a pair of scissors. He made good his escape, but not before she had bit him and torn his shirtsleeve with her teeth.
From : John Wesley: A Biography By Stephen Tomkins
In July, Charles resigned the post, leaving on good terms with Oglethorpe who was happy to make the far more efficient John his secretary and advised Charles to take a wife. Returning to England, Charles wrote to John putting the blame squarely on Hawkins and Welch. The women found out about the contents of the letter, which John further explained to them. Welch treated him to the most scurrilous and profane outburst he had ever heard and Hawkins demanded a home visit. He found her in her bedroom where she attacked him with a pair of scissors and a pistol… While her husband held back the constable and the neighbors, Wesley held her by her wrists and she tore into his cassock until Mr. Hawkins pulled her off.
Note: Image from Georgia's Virtual Vault (http://content.sos.state.ga.us/u?/postcard,1125) Postcard of the Hawkins-Davison House ruins at Fort Frederica.)
Charles' Journal, Thur., August 2d 1736
Mon., August 2d. I had observed much, and heard more, of the cruelty of masters towards their negroes; but now I received an authentic account of some horrid instances thereof. The giving a child a slave of its own age to tyrannize over, to beat and abuse out of sport, was, I myself saw, a common practice. Nor is it strange, being thus trained up in cruelty, they should afterwards arrive at so great perfection in it; that Mr. Star, a gentleman I often met at Mr. Lasserre's, should, as he himself informed L., first nail up a negro by the ears, then order him to be whipped in the severest manner, and then to have scalding water thrown over him, so that the poor creature could not stir for four months after. Another much-applauded punishment is, drawing their slaves' teeth. One Colonel Lynch is universally known to have cut off a poor negro's legs; and to kill several of them every year by his barbarities.
It were endless to recount all the shocking instances of diabolical cruelty which these men (as they call themselves daily practise upon their fellow-creatures; and that on the most trivial occasions. I shall only mention one more, related to me by a Swiss gentleman, Mr. Zouberbuhler, an eye-witness, of Mr. Hill, a dancing-master in Charlestown. He whipped a she-slave so long, that she fell down at his feet for dead. When, by the help of a physician, she was so far recovered as to show signs of life, he repeated the whipping with equal rigour, and concluded with dropping hot sealing-wax upon her flesh. Her crime was overfilling a tea-cup.
These horrid cruelties are the less to be wondered at, because the government itself, in effect, countenances and allows them to kill their slaves, by the ridiculous penalty appointed for it, of about seven pounds sterling, half of which is usually saved by the criminal's informing against himself. This I can look upon as no other than a public act to indemnify murder.
Monday, August 2, 1736
I set out for the Lieutenant Governor’s seat, about thirty miles from Charleston, to deliver Mr. Oglethorpe’s letters. It stands very pleasantly on a little hill with a vale on either side, in one of which is a thick wood; the other is planted with rice and Indian corn. I designed to have gone back by Mr. Skeen’s, who has about fifty Christian negroes. But my horse tiring, I was obliged to return the straight way to Charleston.
I had sent the boat we came in back to Savannah, expecting a passage thither myself in Colonel Bull’s. His not going so soon, I went to Ashley Ferry on Thursday, intending to walk to Port Royal. But Mr. Belinger not only provided me a horse, but rode with me himself ten miles, and sent his son with me to Cumbee Ferry, twenty miles farther; whence, having hired horses and a guide, I came to Beaufort (or Port Royal) the next evening. We took boat in the morning; but, the wind being contrary and very high, did not reach Savannah till Sunday, in the afternoon.
Finding Mr. Oglethorpe was gone, I stayed only a day at Savannah; and leaving Mr. Ingham and Delamotte there, set out on Tuesday morning for Frederica. In walking to Thunderbolt I was in so heavy a shower that all my clothes were as wet as if I had gone through the river. On which occasion I cannot but observe that vulgar error concerning the hurtfulness of the rains and dews of America. I have been thoroughly wet with these rains more than once, yet without any harm at all. And I have lain many nights in the open air and received all the dews that fell; and so, I believe, might anyone, if his constitution was not impaired by the softness of a genteel education.
Charles' Journal, Thur., July 31 1736
July 31st. I arrived with my brother at Chariestown. I lay that night at an inn. Next morning I was much rejoiced at hearing Mr. Appee was still in town, waiting for my company to England. His ingenuous, open temper, and disengagement from the world, made me promise myself a very improving and agreeable voyage: especially as I doubted not but the sudden death of his mistress had taken off that appearance of lightness, which I attributed rather to his youth and education, than any natural inconstancy. After breakfasting with Mr. Eveley, a merchant who had bespoke lodgings for us, I went in quest of my friend. We met with equal satisfaction on both sides: but I did not observe those deep traces of sorrow and seriousness which I expected. I asked him whether his loss had had its due effect, in making his heart more tender, and susceptible of divine impressions. By his answer I concluded his heart was right, and its uppermost desire was to recover the divine image.
Something of this desire I felt myself at the holy sacrament, and found myself encouraged, by an unusual hope of pardon, to strive against sin.
Charles' Journal, Mon., July 26th. 1736
Mon., July 26th. The words which concluded the lesson, and my stay in Georgia, were, "Arise, let us go hence." Accordingly at twelve I took my final leave of Savannah.
When the boat put off I was surprised that I felt no more joy in leaving such a scene of sorrows.
Charles' Journal, Sun., July 25th. 1736
Sun., July 25th. I resigned my Secretary's place, in a letter to Mr. Oglethorpe. After prayers he took me aside, and asked me whether all I had said was not summed up in the line he showed me on my letter :-- Magis apta tuis tua dona relinquo. "Sir, to yourself your slighted gifts I leave, Less fit for me to take, than you to give."
I answered, I desired not to lose his esteem, but could not preserve it with the loss of my soul. He answered, he was satisfied of my regard for him; owned my argument drawn from the heart unanswerable; and yet, said he, "I would desire you not to let the Trustees know your resolution of resigning. There are many hungry fellows ready to catch at the office; and in my absence I cannot put in one of my own choosing. The best I can hope for is an honest Presbyterian, as many of the Trustees are such. Perhaps they may send me a bad man; and how far such a one may influence the traders, and obstruct the reception of the Gospel among the Heathen, you know. I shall be in England before you leave it. Then you may either put in a deputy or resign.
"You need not be detained in London above three days; and only speak to some of my particular friends, (Vernon, Hutchinson, and Towers,) to the Board of Trustees, when called upon, and the Board of Trade.
"On many accounts I should recommend to you marriage, rather than celibacy. You are of a social temper, and would find in a married state the difficulties of working out your salvation exceedingly lessened, and your helps as much increased."
Letter to James Vernon, July 23, 1736
SAVANNAH, July 23, 1736. As short a time as I have for writing, I could not pardon myself if I did not spend some part of it in acknowledging the continuance of your goodness to my mother; which, indeed, neither she nor I can ever lose the sense of.
The behavior of the people of Carolina finds much con versation for this place. I dare not say whether they want honesty or logic most: it is plain a very little of the latter, added to the former, would show how utterly foreign to the point in question all their voluminous defenses are. Here is an Act of the King in Council, passed in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, forbidding unlicensed persons to trade with the Indians in Georgia. Nothing, therefore, can justify them in sending unlicensed traders to the Creek, Cherokee, and Chicasaw Indians, but the proving either that this Act is of no force or that those Indians are not in Georgia. Why, then, are these questions so little considered by them, and others so largely discussed? I fear for a very plain though not a very honest reason -- that is, to puzzle the cause. I sincerely wish you all happiness in time and in eternity, and am, sir, &c.
Letter to Archibald Hutchinson, July 23, 1736
SAVANNAH, July 23, 1736.
By what I have seen during my short stay here, I am convinced that I have long been under a great mistake in thinking no circumstances could make it the duty of a Chris tian priest to do anything else but preach the gospel. On the contrary, I am now satisfied that there is a possible case wherein a part of his time ought to be employed in what less directly conduces to the glory of God and peace and goodwill among men. And such a case, I believe, is that which now occurs; there being several things which cannot so effectually be done without me; and which, though not directly belonging to my ministry, yet are by consequence of the highest concern to the success of it. It is from this conviction that I have taken some pains to inquire into the great controversy now subsisting between Carolina and Georgia, and in examining and weighing the letters wrote and the arguments urged on both sides of the question. And I cannot but think that' the whole affair might be clearly stated in few words. A Charter was passed a few years since, establishing the bounds of this province, and empowering the Trustees therein named to pre pare laws which, when ratified by the King in Council, should be of force within those bounds. The Trustees have prepared a law, which has been so ratified, for the regulation of the Indian trade, requiring that none should trade with the Indians who are within this province till he is licensed as therein specified. Notwithstanding this law, the governing part of Carolina have asserted, both in conversation, in writing, and in the public newspapers, that it is lawful for any one not so licensed to trade with the Creek, Cherokee, or Chicasaw Indians. [See next letter. The Journal (i. 248-50) shows that some Chicasaw Indians were in Savannah for several days, and Wesley had a conference with them.] They have passed an ordinance, not only assert ing the same, but enacting that men and money shall be raised to support such traders; and, in fact, they have themselves licensed and sent up such traders, both to the Creek and Chicasaw Indians.
This is the plain matter of fact. Now, as to matter of right, when twenty more reams of paper have been spent upon it, I cannot but think it must come to this short issue at last: (1) Are the Creeks, Cherokees, and Chicasaws within the bounds of Georgia or no? (2) Is an Act of the King in Council, in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, of any force within these bounds or not? That all other inquiries are absolutely foreign to the question a very little consideration will show. As to the former of these, the Georgian Charter, compared with any map of these parts which I have ever seen, deter mines it. The latter I never heard made a question of but in the neighborhood of Carolina.
Mr. Johnson's brother has been with us some days. [Mr. Johnson is referred to in Journal, i. 250d. His brother had been on board the Simmonds, and com plained that he was inconvenienced by the public prayers in the great cabin. Fortunately he left the ship at Cowes (ibid. i. 114, 124). The father had been Governor of South Carolina.] I have been twice in company with him at Mr. Oglethorpe's; and I hope there are in Carolina, though the present proceeding would almost make one doubt it, many such gentlemen as he seems to be--men of good nature, good manners, and under standing. I hope God will repay you sevenfold for the kind ness you have shown to my poor mother, and in her to, sir, Your most obliged, most obedient servant.
Charles' Journal, Thur., July 22nd 1736
Thur., July 22. To-day I got their licences signed by Mr. Oglethorpe, countersigned them myself, and so entirely washed my hands of the traders.
Charles' Journal, Wed., July 21st 1736
Wed., July 21st. I heard by my brother that I was to set sail in a few days for England.
A Hymn for Reflection
A HYMN.
ANOTHER day preserv'd by grace,
We end it with our Saviour's praise,
Symphonious to the quires above,
And triumph in his guardian love:
Ye angels, with your wings outspread,
Come, take your stand around our bed.
2
We soon shall wake with you to sing,
In presence of our heavenly King;
With you unutterably blest,
Shall always praise and never rest;
But smooth as the melodious lay,
Shall endless ages roll away.
3
O that the joyful day were come,
Which calls our happy spirits home;
O could we join our friends in light,
And reach our Father's house to. night:
And sweetly close our willing eyes,
To open them in paradise.
From "A Collection of Psalms and Hymns" to be published, God willing in 1737
Charles' Journal, Sat. July 10th 1736
Sat., July 10th. I was waked by the news my brother brought us, of Miss Bovey's sudden death. It called up all my sorrow and envy. "Ah, poor Ophelia!" was continually in my mind, "I thought thou shouldst have been my Hamlet's wife." Mr. Appee was just set out for Charlestown, [on his way to] Holland, intending to return, when he had settled his affairs, and marry her. "But death had quicker wings than love."
The following evening I saw her in her coffin, and soon seen in her grave.
The Burial Grounds at Fort Fredrica. There are few evident graves; only a handful of vaults are left. Charles and John Wesley did many funerals here -- it is just outside of the moat around the town of Fort Fredrica and on the Military road to Fort Saint Simons (which has practically disappeared by now.) The earthen works are still visible at Fredrica, but no standing buildings. There never was a real church in the town. St. James was founded outside of town where Christ Church stands now and the graveyard at Christ Church is where the later burials of Fredrica were done. For years it was just a ghost town -- and it doesn't take tremendous imagination to see the small town at work. The focus of growth moved onto the other end of the island, where the lighthouse and pier are. Fort Fredrica is a quiet place; the only sounds now are the cicadas.
