Charles' Journal, Thur., July 31 1736

July 31st. I arrived with my brother at Chariestown. I lay that night at an inn. Next morning I was much rejoiced at hearing Mr. Appee was still in town, waiting for my company to England. His ingenuous, open temper, and disengagement from the world, made me promise myself a very improving and agreeable voyage: especially as I doubted not but the sudden death of his mistress had taken off that appearance of lightness, which I attributed rather to his youth and education, than any natural inconstancy. After breakfasting with Mr. Eveley, a merchant who had bespoke lodgings for us, I went in quest of my friend. We met with equal satisfaction on both sides: but I did not observe those deep traces of sorrow and seriousness which I expected. I asked him whether his loss had had its due effect, in making his heart more tender, and susceptible of divine impressions. By his answer I concluded his heart was right, and its uppermost desire was to recover the divine image.

Something of this desire I felt myself at the holy sacrament, and found myself encouraged, by an unusual hope of pardon, to strive against sin.

Charles' Journal, Mon., July 26th. 1736

Mon., July 26th. The words which concluded the lesson, and my stay in Georgia, were, "Arise, let us go hence." Accordingly at twelve I took my final leave of Savannah.

When the boat put off I was surprised that I felt no more joy in leaving such a scene of sorrows.

Charles' Journal, Sun., July 25th. 1736

Sun., July 25th. I resigned my Secretary's place, in a letter to Mr. Oglethorpe. After prayers he took me aside, and asked me whether all I had said was not summed up in the line he showed me on my letter :-- Magis apta tuis tua dona relinquo. "Sir, to yourself your slighted gifts I leave, Less fit for me to take, than you to give."

I answered, I desired not to lose his esteem, but could not preserve it with the loss of my soul. He answered, he was satisfied of my regard for him; owned my argument drawn from the heart unanswerable; and yet, said he, "I would desire you not to let the Trustees know your resolution of resigning. There are many hungry fellows ready to catch at the office; and in my absence I cannot put in one of my own choosing. The best I can hope for is an honest Presbyterian, as many of the Trustees are such. Perhaps they may send me a bad man; and how far such a one may influence the traders, and obstruct the reception of the Gospel among the Heathen, you know. I shall be in England before you leave it. Then you may either put in a deputy or resign.

"You need not be detained in London above three days; and only speak to some of my particular friends, (Vernon, Hutchinson, and Towers,) to the Board of Trustees, when called upon, and the Board of Trade.

"On many accounts I should recommend to you marriage, rather than celibacy. You are of a social temper, and would find in a married state the difficulties of working out your salvation exceedingly lessened, and your helps as much increased."

Letter to James Vernon, July 23, 1736

SAVANNAH, July 23, 1736. As short a time as I have for writing, I could not pardon myself if I did not spend some part of it in acknowledging the continuance of your goodness to my mother; which, indeed, neither she nor I can ever lose the sense of.

The behavior of the people of Carolina finds much con versation for this place. I dare not say whether they want honesty or logic most: it is plain a very little of the latter, added to the former, would show how utterly foreign to the point in question all their voluminous defenses are. Here is an Act of the King in Council, passed in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, forbidding unlicensed persons to trade with the Indians in Georgia. Nothing, therefore, can justify them in sending unlicensed traders to the Creek, Cherokee, and Chicasaw Indians, but the proving either that this Act is of no force or that those Indians are not in Georgia. Why, then, are these questions so little considered by them, and others so largely discussed? I fear for a very plain though not a very honest reason -- that is, to puzzle the cause. I sincerely wish you all happiness in time and in eternity, and am, sir, &c.

Letter to Archibald Hutchinson, July 23, 1736

SAVANNAH, July 23, 1736.

By what I have seen during my short stay here, I am convinced that I have long been under a great mistake in thinking no circumstances could make it the duty of a Chris tian priest to do anything else but preach the gospel. On the contrary, I am now satisfied that there is a possible case wherein a part of his time ought to be employed in what less directly conduces to the glory of God and peace and goodwill among men. And such a case, I believe, is that which now occurs; there being several things which cannot so effectually be done without me; and which, though not directly belonging to my ministry, yet are by consequence of the highest concern to the success of it. It is from this conviction that I have taken some pains to inquire into the great controversy now subsisting between Carolina and Georgia, and in examining and weighing the letters wrote and the arguments urged on both sides of the question. And I cannot but think that' the whole affair might be clearly stated in few words. A Charter was passed a few years since, establishing the bounds of this province, and empowering the Trustees therein named to pre pare laws which, when ratified by the King in Council, should be of force within those bounds. The Trustees have prepared a law, which has been so ratified, for the regulation of the Indian trade, requiring that none should trade with the Indians who are within this province till he is licensed as therein specified. Notwithstanding this law, the governing part of Carolina have asserted, both in conversation, in writing, and in the public newspapers, that it is lawful for any one not so licensed to trade with the Creek, Cherokee, or Chicasaw Indians. [See next letter. The Journal (i. 248-50) shows that some Chicasaw Indians were in Savannah for several days, and Wesley had a conference with them.] They have passed an ordinance, not only assert ing the same, but enacting that men and money shall be raised to support such traders; and, in fact, they have themselves licensed and sent up such traders, both to the Creek and Chicasaw Indians.

This is the plain matter of fact. Now, as to matter of right, when twenty more reams of paper have been spent upon it, I cannot but think it must come to this short issue at last: (1) Are the Creeks, Cherokees, and Chicasaws within the bounds of Georgia or no? (2) Is an Act of the King in Council, in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, of any force within these bounds or not? That all other inquiries are absolutely foreign to the question a very little consideration will show. As to the former of these, the Georgian Charter, compared with any map of these parts which I have ever seen, deter mines it. The latter I never heard made a question of but in the neighborhood of Carolina.

Mr. Johnson's brother has been with us some days. [Mr. Johnson is referred to in Journal, i. 250d. His brother had been on board the Simmonds, and com plained that he was inconvenienced by the public prayers in the great cabin. Fortunately he left the ship at Cowes (ibid. i. 114, 124). The father had been Governor of South Carolina.] I have been twice in company with him at Mr. Oglethorpe's; and I hope there are in Carolina, though the present proceeding would almost make one doubt it, many such gentlemen as he seems to be--men of good nature, good manners, and under standing. I hope God will repay you sevenfold for the kind ness you have shown to my poor mother, and in her to, sir, Your most obliged, most obedient servant.

Charles' Journal, Thur., July 22nd 1736

Thur., July 22. To-day I got their licences signed by Mr. Oglethorpe, countersigned them myself, and so entirely washed my hands of the traders.

Charles' Journal, Wed., July 21st 1736

Wed., July 21st. I heard by my brother that I was to set sail in a few days for England.

A Hymn for Reflection

ANOTHER day preserv'd by grace,
We end it with our Saviour's praise,
Symphonious to the quires above,
And triumph in his guardian love:
Ye angels, with your wings outspread,
Come, take your stand around our bed.
We soon shall wake with you to sing,
In presence of our heavenly King;
With you unutterably blest,
Shall always praise and never rest;
But smooth as the melodious lay,
Shall endless ages roll away.
O that the joyful day were come,
Which calls our happy spirits home;
O could we join our friends in light,
And reach our Father's house to. night:
And sweetly close our willing eyes,
To open them in paradise.

From "A Collection of Psalms and Hymns" to be published, God willing in 1737

Charles' Journal, Sat. July 10th 1736

Sat., July 10th. I was waked by the news my brother brought us, of Miss Bovey's sudden death. It called up all my sorrow and envy. "Ah, poor Ophelia!" was continually in my mind, "I thought thou shouldst have been my Hamlet's wife." Mr. Appee was just set out for Charlestown, [on his way to] Holland, intending to return, when he had settled his affairs, and marry her. "But death had quicker wings than love."

The following evening I saw her in her coffin, and soon seen in her grave.

The Burial Grounds at Fort Fredrica. There are few evident graves; only a handful of vaults are left. Charles and John Wesley did many funerals here -- it is just outside of the moat around the town of Fort Fredrica and on the Military road to Fort Saint Simons (which has practically disappeared by now.) The earthen works are still visible at Fredrica, but no standing buildings. There never was a real church in the town. St. James was founded outside of town where Christ Church stands now and the graveyard at Christ Church is where the later burials of Fredrica were done. For years it was just a ghost town -- and it doesn't take tremendous imagination to see the small town at work. The focus of growth moved onto the other end of the island, where the lighthouse and pier are. Fort Fredrica is a quiet place; the only sounds now are the cicadas.

Charles' Journal, Wed., July 7th 1736

Wed., July 7th. Between four and five this morning Mr. Delamotte and I went into the Savannah. We chose this hour for bathing, both for the coolness, and because the alligators were not stirring so soon. We heard them indeed snoring all around us; and one very early riser swam by within a few yards of us. On Friday morning we had hardly left our usual place of swimming, when we saw an alligator in possession of it. Once afterwards Mr. Delamotte was in great danger; for an alligator rose just behind him, and.pursued him to the land, whither he narrowly escaped.

Thursday, July 1, 1736

The Indians had an audience; and another on Saturday, when Chicali, their head man, dined with Mr. Oglethorpe. After dinner, I asked the grey-headed old man what he thought he was made for. He said, “He that is above knows what He made us for. We know nothing. We are in the dark. But white men know much. And yet white men build great houses, as if they were to live forever. But white men cannot live forever. In a little time, white men will be dust as well as I.”

I told him, “If red men will learn the Good Book, they may know as much as white men. But neither we nor you can understand that Book unless we are taught by Him that is above: and He will not teach you unless you avoid what you already know is not good.”

He answered, “I believe that. He will not teach us while our hearts are not white. And our men do what they know is not good: they kill their own children. And our women do what they know is not good: they kill the child before it is born. Therefore He that is above does not send us the Good Book.”