Tuesday, November 23, 1736
To this indeed my plain answer was, “I know not that I am under any obligation to the contrary. I never promised to stay here one month. I openly declared both before, at, and ever since, my coming hither that I neither would nor could take charge of the English any longer than till I could go among the Indians.” If it was said, “But did not the trustees of Georgia appoint you to be minister of Savannah?” I replied, “They did; but it was not done by my solicitation: it was done without either my desire or knowledge. Therefore, I cannot conceive that appointment to lay me under any obligation of continuing there any longer than till a door is opened to the heathens; and this I expressly declared at the time I consented to accept of that appointment.”
But though I had no other obligation not to leave Savannah now, yet that of love, I could not break through: I could not resist the importunate request of the more serious parishioners, “to watch over their souls yet a little longer, till someone came who might supply my place.” And this I the more willingly did, because the time was not come to preach the gospel of peace to the heathens, all their nations being in a ferment; and Paustoobee and Mingo Mattaw having told me, in terms, in my own house, “Now our enemies are all about us, and we can do nothing but fight; but if the beloved ones should ever give us to be at peace, then we would hear the great Word.”
Letter to Samuel, November 23, 1736
SAVANNAH, November 23, 1736. DEAR BROTHER, -- O pray write, and, if it may be, speak, that they may remember Him again who did run well but are now hindered !
I think the rock on which I had the nearest made ship wreck of the faith was the writings of the Mystics; under which term I comprehend all, and only those, who slight any of the means of grace.
I have drawn up a short scheme of their doctrines, partly from conversations I have had, and letters, and partly from their most approved writers, such as Tauler, Molinos, and the author of Theologia Germanica. [Wesley read the Theologia Germanica and other Mystic books on the advice of William Law. For his judgement as to their influence, see Journal, 'i. 420, and ii. 515 for his estimate of the book; see also letter of May 14, 1738, to Law.] I beg your thoughts upon it as soon as you can conveniently; and that you would give me them as particularly, fully, and strongly as your time will permit. They may be of consequence not only to all this province but to nations of Christians yet unborn.
'All means are not necessary for all men; therefore each person must use such means, and such only, as he finds neces sary for him. But since we can never attain our end by being wedded to the same means; therefore we must not obstinately cleave unto anything, lest it become an hindrance, not an help.
'Observe, farther, when the end is attained, the means cease. Now, all the other things enjoined are means to love; and love is attained by them who are in the inferior way, who are utterly divested of free will, of self-love, and self-activity, and are entered into the passive state. These deified men, in whom the superior will has extinguished the inferior, enjoy such a contemplation as is not only above faith, but above sight, such as is entirely free from images, thoughts, and dis course, and never interrupted by sins of infirmity or voluntary distractions. They have absolutely renounced their reason and understanding, else they could not be guided by a divine light. They seek no clear or particular knowledge of anything; but only an obscure, general knowledge, which is far better. They know it is mercenary to look for a reward from God, and inconsistent with perfect love.
'Having thus attained the end, the means must cease. Hope is swallowed up in love. Sight, or something more than sight, takes place of faith. All particular virtues they possess in the essence, being wholly given up to the divine will, and therefore need not the distinct exercise of them.
They work likewise all good works essentially, not accidentally, and use all outward means only as they are moved thereto; and then to obey superiors or to avoid giving offense, but not as necessary or helpful to them.
'Public prayer, or any forms, they need not; for they pray without ceasing. Sensible devotion in any prayer they despise, it being a great hindrance to perfection. The Scripture they need not read; for it is only His letter with whom they converse face to face. And if they do read it now and then, as for expounders, living or dead, reason, philosophy (which only puffs' up, and vainly tries to bind God by logical definitions and divisions), as for knowledge of tongues, or ancient customs, they need none of them, any more than the Apostles did, for they have the same Spirit. Neither do they need the Lord's supper, for they never cease to remember Christ in the most acceptable manner, any more than fasting, since, by constant temperance, they can keep a continual fast.
'You that are to advise them that have not yet attained perfection, press them to nothing, not to self-denial, constant private prayer, reading the Scriptures, fasting, communi cating. If they love heathen poets, let them take their full swing in them. Speak but little to them in the meantime of eternity. If they are affected at any time with what you say, say no more; let them apply it, not you. You may advise them to some religious books, but stop there; let them use them as they please, and form their own reflections upon them without your intermeddling. If one who was religious falls off, let him alone. Either a man is converted to God or not: if he is not, his own will must guide him, in spite of all you can do; if he is, he is so guided by the Spirit of God as not to need your direction.
'You that are yourselves imperfect, know love is your end, All things else are but means. Choose such means as lead you most to love; those alone are necessary for you. The means that others need are nothing to you: different men are led in different ways. And be sure be not wedded to any means. When anything helps you no longer, lay it aside; for you can never attain your end by cleaving obstinately to the same means: you must be changing them continually. Conversa tion, meditation, forms of prayer, prudential rules, fixed return of public or private prayer, are helps to some; but you must judge for yourself. Perhaps fasting may help you for a time, and perhaps the holy communion. But you will be taught by the Holy Spirit and by experience how soon, how often, and how long it is good for you to take it. Perhaps, too, you may need the Holy Scripture. But if you can renounce yourself without reading, it is better than all the reading in the world. And whenever you do read it, trouble yourself about no helps; the Holy Ghost will lead you into all truth.
'As to doing good, take care of yourself first.' When you are converted, then strengthen your brethren. Beware of (what is incident to all beginners) an eager desire to set others a good example. Beware of earnestness to make others feel what you feel yourself. Let light shine as nothing to you. Beware of a zeal to do great things for God. Be charitable first; then do works of charity; do them when you are not dissipated thereby, or in, danger of losing your soul by pride and vanity. Indeed, till: then you can do no good to men's souls; and without that all done to their bodies is nothing. The command of doing good concerns not you yet. Above all, take care never to dispute about any of these points. Disputing can do no good. Is the man wicked Cast not pearls before swine. Is he imperfect ? He that disputes any advice is not yet ripe for it. Is he good? All good men agree in judgment: they differ only in words, which all are in their own nature ambiguous.'
May God deliver you and yours from all error and all unholiness! My prayers will never, I trust, be wanting you. -- I am, dear brother,
My sister's and your most affectionate Brother.
Pray remember me to Philly. [His brother’s daughter, who married Mr. Earle of Barnstaple.]
Letter to Mr. Verelst, November 10, 1736
SIR,--I return you thanks for your favor. The good I have found here has, indeed, been beyond my expectations: the contrary behavior of many was no more than 1 looked for; being convinced, several years before I left England, that in every city or country under heaven the majority of the people are not the wisest or the best part. But we have an advantage here, which is not frequent in other places--that is, a Magis tracy not only regular in their own conduct, but desirous and watchful to suppress as far as in them lies whatever is openly ill in the conduct of others. I am obliged to you for the hint you give as to the regulating that too-prevailing neglect in the case of administering public oaths. Without doubt it should be done with all possible solemnity. For surely no hurry of business can excuse any want of reverence towards the God to whom all our business should be consecrated: since it is for His sake that we ought to undertake everything as wen as perform everything as in His sight.
Pray, when you send me any books, send a letter of advice. I have received no books from you since I came hither. --I am, dear sir,
Your most humble servant.
Letter To James Vernon, September 11, 1736
You have a just claim to my repeated acknowledgments not only for continuance of your regard to my mother, but for your strengthening my hands, and encouraging me not to look back from the work wherein I am engaged. I know that if it shall please our Great God to give it His blessing, the god of this world will oppose in vain; and that therefore the whole depends on our approving our hearts before Him, and placing all our confidence in His power and mercy.
Mr. Ingham has made some progress in the Creek language, but a short conversation I had with the chief of the Chickssaws (which my brother I presume has informed you of) moves me to desire rather to learn their language, if God shall give me opportunity.
The generality of that despised and almost unheard-of nation, if one may judge from the accounts given either by their own countrymen or strangers, are not only humble and peace able qualities, scarce to be found among any other of the Indian nations, but have so firm a reliance on Providence, so settled a habit of looking up to a Superior Being in all the occurrences of life, that they appear the most likely of all the Americans to receive and rejoice in the glorious-Gospel of Christ.
What will become of this poor people, a few of whom now see the light and bless God for it, when I am called from among them, I know not. Nor indeed what will become of them while I am here; for the work is too weighty for me. A parish of above two hundred miles in length laughs at the labors of one man.
Savannah alone would give constant employment for five or six to instruct, rebuke and exhort as need requires. Neither durst I advise any single person to take charge of Frederica, or indeed to exercise his Ministry there at all unless he was an experienced soldier of Jesus Christ, that could rejoice in Reproaches, Persecutions, Distresses for Christ's sake. I bless God for what little of them I have met with here, and doubt not but they were sent for my soul's health. My Heart's Desire for this place is, not that it may be a Famous or a Rich, but that it may be a Religious Colony, and then I am sure it cannot fail of the Blessing of God, which includes all real goods, Temporal and Eternal.--I am, sir,
Your much obliged and obedient servant.
To Ann Granville [10]
SAVANAH, September 24, 1736.
The mutual affection, and indeed the many other amiable qualities of those two sisters, [The Misses Bovey, of Savannah. Miss Becky died suddenly on July 10 (see Journal, i. 239-46' 270-80d; C. Wesley's Journal, i. 34). Her sister said: 'All my afflictions are nothing to this. I have lost not only a sister, but a friend. But this is the will of God. I rely on Him, and doubt not but He will support me under it.'] one of whom is lately gone to an happier place, would not have suffered me to be un mindful of your friend and you, had I had nothing else to remind me of you. I am persuaded that heavy affliction will prove the greatest blessing to the survivor which she ever yet received. She is now very cheerful, as well as deeply serious. She sees the folly of placing one's happiness in any creature, and is fully determined to give her whole heart to Him from whom death cannot part her.
I often think how different her way of life is at Savannah from what it was at St. James's; and yet the wise, polite, gay world counts her removal thence a misfortune. I should not be at all grieved if you were fallen into the same misfortune, far removed from the pride of life, and hid in some obscure recess, where you were scarcely seen or heard of, unless by a few plain Christians and by God and His angels.
Mr. Rivington [His London publisher, who had visited the Granvilles at Gloucester.] will send your letter, if you should ever have leisure to favor with a few lines
Your sincere friend and most obedient servant.
Do you still watch and strive and pray that your heart may be fight before God? Can you deny yourself, as well as take up your cross? Adieu!
Letter to George Whitfield, September 10, 1736
I had long since begun to visit my parishioners in order from house to house.. But I could not go on two days longer; the sick were increasing so fast as to require all the time I had to spare, from one to five in the afternoon. Nor is even that enough to see them all, as I would do, daily. In Frederica and all the smaller settlements there are above five hundred sheep almost without a shepherd. He that is unjust must be unjust still, Here is none to search out and lay hold on the mollia ternpora fandi, [‘Apt times for speech.’] and to persuade him to save his soul alive.
He that is a babe in Christ may be so still. Here is none to attend the workings of grace upon his spirit, to feed him by degrees with food convenient for him, and gently lead him till he can follow the Lamb whithersoever He goeth. Does any err from the right way? here is none to recall him; he may go on to seek death in the error of his life. Is any wavering? here is none to confirm him. Is any falling ? there is none to lift him up. What a single man can do is neither seen nor felt. Where are ye who are very zealous for the Lord of hosts ? Who will rise up with me against the wicked? who will take God's part against the evil-doers? Whose spirit is moved within him to prepare himself for publishing glad tidings to those on whom the Sun of Righteous ness never yet arose, by laboring first for those his country men who are else without hope as well as without God in the world? Do you ask what you shall have? why, all you desire: food to eat, raiment to put on, a place where to lay your head (such as your Lord had not), and a crown of life that fadeth not away! Do you seek means of building up yourselves in the knowledge and love of God?
I know of no place under heaven where there are more, or perhaps so many, as in this place. Does your heart burn within you to turn many others to righteousness? Behold the whole land, thousands of thousands are before you! I will resign to any of you all or any part of my charge. Choose what seemeth good in your own eyes. Here are within these walls children of all ages and dispositions. Who will bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord, till they are meet to be preachers of righteousness? Here are adults from the farthest parts of Europe and Asia and the inmost kingdoms of Africa; add to these the known and unknown nations of this vast continent, and you will indeed have a great multitude which no man can number.
Letter to General Oglethorpe, August 23, 1736

SAVANNAH, August 23, 1736.
SIR, -- I choose to write rather than speak, that I may not say too much. I find it utterly impossible anything should be kept secret unless both parties are resolved upon it. What fell out yesterday is already known to every family in Frederica; but to many it has been represented in such a light that 'tis easy to know whence the representation comes. Now, sir, what can I do more ? Though I have given my reputation to God, I must not absolutely neglect it. The treatment I have met with was not barely an assault: you know one part of it was felony. I can't see what I can do but desire an open hearing in the face of all my countrymen of this place. If you (to whom I can gladly entrust my life and my all in this land) are excepted against as partial, let a jury be empanelled, and upon a full inquiry determine what such breaches of the law deserve. -- I am, sir,
Your obliged and obedient servant.
From other sources:
From the Sherpa Guide:
Touring Fort Frederica today, one can wander the old streets, view house foundations, and read signs that explain the significance of each site. Still visible is the foundation of the Hawkins-Davison House where John Wesley encountered the wrath of Mrs. Beatre Hawkins, who attacked him with a pistol and a pair of scissors. He made good his escape, but not before she had bit him and torn his shirtsleeve with her teeth.
From : John Wesley: A Biography By Stephen Tomkins
In July, Charles resigned the post, leaving on good terms with Oglethorpe who was happy to make the far more efficient John his secretary and advised Charles to take a wife. Returning to England, Charles wrote to John putting the blame squarely on Hawkins and Welch. The women found out about the contents of the letter, which John further explained to them. Welch treated him to the most scurrilous and profane outburst he had ever heard and Hawkins demanded a home visit. He found her in her bedroom where she attacked him with a pair of scissors and a pistol… While her husband held back the constable and the neighbors, Wesley held her by her wrists and she tore into his cassock until Mr. Hawkins pulled her off.
Note: Image from Georgia's Virtual Vault (http://content.sos.state.ga.us/u?/postcard,1125) Postcard of the Hawkins-Davison House ruins at Fort Frederica.)
Charles' Journal, Mon., August 16th.

A faint breeze springing up, the pilot, weary of waiting a week to no purpose, said he would venture over the bar, though he feared there was not water enough. Accordingly we attempted it, and had got above half of the two miles between us and the sea, when a violent, squall arose, and drove the ship before it with incredible swiftness. Before it began we were almost becalmed, so that it saved the ship, at least, from being a-ground, though with the immediate hazard both of that and our lives. The sailors were in great consternation, expecting to be stranded every moment. The pilot cursed the ship most heartily, and the hour he set foot in her. Having scraped along the ground for some minutes before, the ship at last stuck. She got clear, and stuck fast a second time; and immediately fell into seven fathom water.
The Mate afterwards told me, it was one thousand to one but she had been lost by the Captain's folly and ignorance, in letting fly the mainsail, while we struck on the bar; which was the surest way to fix her there; as it must have done had we not been on the very edge of it.
Charles' Journal Fri., August 13th.
Wed., August 11th, 1736, Charles' Journal

Coming on board our ship, I found the honest Captain had let my cabin to another. My flux and fever that has hung upon me, forced me for some nights past to go into a bed; but now my only bed was a chest, on which I threw myself in my boots, and was not overmuch troubled with sleep till the morning. What was still worse, I then had no asylum to fly to from the Captain; the most beastly man I ever saw; a lewd, drunken, quarrelsome feel; praying, and yet swearing continually. The first sight I had of him was upon the cabin-floor, stark naked, and dead drunk.
Charles' Journal, Thur., August 2d 1736
Mon., August 2d. I had observed much, and heard more, of the cruelty of masters towards their negroes; but now I received an authentic account of some horrid instances thereof. The giving a child a slave of its own age to tyrannize over, to beat and abuse out of sport, was, I myself saw, a common practice. Nor is it strange, being thus trained up in cruelty, they should afterwards arrive at so great perfection in it; that Mr. Star, a gentleman I often met at Mr. Lasserre's, should, as he himself informed L., first nail up a negro by the ears, then order him to be whipped in the severest manner, and then to have scalding water thrown over him, so that the poor creature could not stir for four months after. Another much-applauded punishment is, drawing their slaves' teeth. One Colonel Lynch is universally known to have cut off a poor negro's legs; and to kill several of them every year by his barbarities.
It were endless to recount all the shocking instances of diabolical cruelty which these men (as they call themselves daily practise upon their fellow-creatures; and that on the most trivial occasions. I shall only mention one more, related to me by a Swiss gentleman, Mr. Zouberbuhler, an eye-witness, of Mr. Hill, a dancing-master in Charlestown. He whipped a she-slave so long, that she fell down at his feet for dead. When, by the help of a physician, she was so far recovered as to show signs of life, he repeated the whipping with equal rigour, and concluded with dropping hot sealing-wax upon her flesh. Her crime was overfilling a tea-cup.
These horrid cruelties are the less to be wondered at, because the government itself, in effect, countenances and allows them to kill their slaves, by the ridiculous penalty appointed for it, of about seven pounds sterling, half of which is usually saved by the criminal's informing against himself. This I can look upon as no other than a public act to indemnify murder.
Monday, August 2, 1736
I had sent the boat we came in back to Savannah, expecting a passage thither myself in Colonel Bull’s. His not going so soon, I went to Ashley Ferry on Thursday, intending to walk to Port Royal. But Mr. Belinger not only provided me a horse, but rode with me himself ten miles, and sent his son with me to Cumbee Ferry, twenty miles farther; whence, having hired horses and a guide, I came to Beaufort (or Port Royal) the next evening. We took boat in the morning; but, the wind being contrary and very high, did not reach Savannah till Sunday, in the afternoon.
Finding Mr. Oglethorpe was gone, I stayed only a day at Savannah; and leaving Mr. Ingham and Delamotte there, set out on Tuesday morning for Frederica. In walking to Thunderbolt I was in so heavy a shower that all my clothes were as wet as if I had gone through the river. On which occasion I cannot but observe that vulgar error concerning the hurtfulness of the rains and dews of America. I have been thoroughly wet with these rains more than once, yet without any harm at all. And I have lain many nights in the open air and received all the dews that fell; and so, I believe, might anyone, if his constitution was not impaired by the softness of a genteel education.
Charles' Journal, Thur., July 31 1736
July 31st. I arrived with my brother at Chariestown. I lay that night at an inn. Next morning I was much rejoiced at hearing Mr. Appee was still in town, waiting for my company to England. His ingenuous, open temper, and disengagement from the world, made me promise myself a very improving and agreeable voyage: especially as I doubted not but the sudden death of his mistress had taken off that appearance of lightness, which I attributed rather to his youth and education, than any natural inconstancy. After breakfasting with Mr. Eveley, a merchant who had bespoke lodgings for us, I went in quest of my friend. We met with equal satisfaction on both sides: but I did not observe those deep traces of sorrow and seriousness which I expected. I asked him whether his loss had had its due effect, in making his heart more tender, and susceptible of divine impressions. By his answer I concluded his heart was right, and its uppermost desire was to recover the divine image.
Something of this desire I felt myself at the holy sacrament, and found myself encouraged, by an unusual hope of pardon, to strive against sin.
Charles' Journal, Mon., July 26th. 1736
When the boat put off I was surprised that I felt no more joy in leaving such a scene of sorrows.
Charles' Journal, Sun., July 25th. 1736
I answered, I desired not to lose his esteem, but could not preserve it with the loss of my soul. He answered, he was satisfied of my regard for him; owned my argument drawn from the heart unanswerable; and yet, said he, "I would desire you not to let the Trustees know your resolution of resigning. There are many hungry fellows ready to catch at the office; and in my absence I cannot put in one of my own choosing. The best I can hope for is an honest Presbyterian, as many of the Trustees are such. Perhaps they may send me a bad man; and how far such a one may influence the traders, and obstruct the reception of the Gospel among the Heathen, you know. I shall be in England before you leave it. Then you may either put in a deputy or resign.
"You need not be detained in London above three days; and only speak to some of my particular friends, (Vernon, Hutchinson, and Towers,) to the Board of Trustees, when called upon, and the Board of Trade.
"On many accounts I should recommend to you marriage, rather than celibacy. You are of a social temper, and would find in a married state the difficulties of working out your salvation exceedingly lessened, and your helps as much increased."
Letter to James Vernon, July 23, 1736
The behavior of the people of Carolina finds much con versation for this place. I dare not say whether they want honesty or logic most: it is plain a very little of the latter, added to the former, would show how utterly foreign to the point in question all their voluminous defenses are. Here is an Act of the King in Council, passed in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, forbidding unlicensed persons to trade with the Indians in Georgia. Nothing, therefore, can justify them in sending unlicensed traders to the Creek, Cherokee, and Chicasaw Indians, but the proving either that this Act is of no force or that those Indians are not in Georgia. Why, then, are these questions so little considered by them, and others so largely discussed? I fear for a very plain though not a very honest reason -- that is, to puzzle the cause. I sincerely wish you all happiness in time and in eternity, and am, sir, &c.
Letter to Archibald Hutchinson, July 23, 1736
By what I have seen during my short stay here, I am convinced that I have long been under a great mistake in thinking no circumstances could make it the duty of a Chris tian priest to do anything else but preach the gospel. On the contrary, I am now satisfied that there is a possible case wherein a part of his time ought to be employed in what less directly conduces to the glory of God and peace and goodwill among men. And such a case, I believe, is that which now occurs; there being several things which cannot so effectually be done without me; and which, though not directly belonging to my ministry, yet are by consequence of the highest concern to the success of it. It is from this conviction that I have taken some pains to inquire into the great controversy now subsisting between Carolina and Georgia, and in examining and weighing the letters wrote and the arguments urged on both sides of the question. And I cannot but think that' the whole affair might be clearly stated in few words. A Charter was passed a few years since, establishing the bounds of this province, and empowering the Trustees therein named to pre pare laws which, when ratified by the King in Council, should be of force within those bounds. The Trustees have prepared a law, which has been so ratified, for the regulation of the Indian trade, requiring that none should trade with the Indians who are within this province till he is licensed as therein specified. Notwithstanding this law, the governing part of Carolina have asserted, both in conversation, in writing, and in the public newspapers, that it is lawful for any one not so licensed to trade with the Creek, Cherokee, or Chicasaw Indians. [See next letter. The Journal (i. 248-50) shows that some Chicasaw Indians were in Savannah for several days, and Wesley had a conference with them.] They have passed an ordinance, not only assert ing the same, but enacting that men and money shall be raised to support such traders; and, in fact, they have themselves licensed and sent up such traders, both to the Creek and Chicasaw Indians.
This is the plain matter of fact. Now, as to matter of right, when twenty more reams of paper have been spent upon it, I cannot but think it must come to this short issue at last: (1) Are the Creeks, Cherokees, and Chicasaws within the bounds of Georgia or no? (2) Is an Act of the King in Council, in pursuance of an Act of Parliament, of any force within these bounds or not? That all other inquiries are absolutely foreign to the question a very little consideration will show. As to the former of these, the Georgian Charter, compared with any map of these parts which I have ever seen, deter mines it. The latter I never heard made a question of but in the neighborhood of Carolina.
Mr. Johnson's brother has been with us some days. [Mr. Johnson is referred to in Journal, i. 250d. His brother had been on board the Simmonds, and com plained that he was inconvenienced by the public prayers in the great cabin. Fortunately he left the ship at Cowes (ibid. i. 114, 124). The father had been Governor of South Carolina.] I have been twice in company with him at Mr. Oglethorpe's; and I hope there are in Carolina, though the present proceeding would almost make one doubt it, many such gentlemen as he seems to be--men of good nature, good manners, and under standing. I hope God will repay you sevenfold for the kind ness you have shown to my poor mother, and in her to, sir, Your most obliged, most obedient servant.



